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Why may I not hasten to come to you? Faced, furthermore, with the prospect of wars present, past, and future, haunted by the shades of their tragic victims and by the seeming arbitrariness of the laws of the Classical otherworldthe souls' hard and even, perhaps, unjust lot, their "sortemque animo The poor souls, How can they crave our daylight so? Against the prison of the body and the nightmare of history under the rule of Mars, Virgil imagines an Elysium in that most urban of literary genres: the pastoral mode. Arcadia in Book 6 is all too uncanny a double of human history: a representation not of a radical otherness but of a fully recognizable sameness.

All the joy they took, alive, in cars and weapons, As in the care and pasturing of horses, Remained with them when they were laid in earth. Nam CTt. O De Re Publica 6.

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Sabine and Stanley B. Smith from On the CommonweaLth, Virgil's escape from history was thus for Dante fully immersed in historical flux. The logic of Cacciaguida's conflation in canto The extraordinary disparity of the two figures, Anchises the pious Roman father speaking in the voice of Classical wisdom, the Sibyl the incarnation of the forces of madness and unreason, renders the conflation all the more powerful and astute a dramatization of the hermeneutic chaos wreaked by Apollo. Rather, it is due to the insufficiency of the hermeneutic of Apollo and its Elysian 10eus: their inability to differentiate the truths of revelation from the mad enigmas of the Sibyl, their inability to penetrate the ultimate meaning of Roman history-Christ's cross.

Dante's conflation confirms a struccural feature of Virgil's poem that has not usually been noted: the prophecies of the Sibyl and Anchises are not oOly closely related, but also begin and end on the same note. Both are sins that Dante openly confesses on a number of occasions, the opening of'Paradise 16 being a case in point. A third contender for the literary throne goes unnamed "forse e nato I chi I'uno e I'altro caccera del nido" [II. Like the imperfect nimbus that appears suspended over Dante's limbo in Inferno 4. This, Dante believed, Christ alone could bring about: the true solemque suum, as shall be seen in a subsequent chapter, at the center of his Christian Paradise.

And restoring Elysium to its proper celestial site, this Christian sun sadly left Apollo's Hall of Fame just where Virgil had situated it: in limbo between the eternal tortures of Hell and the eternal sopor of its entryway and vestibule. The passage is cited in Augustine's treatise on the soul: "Now, although even those objects which we suppose to be like bodies are of the same class, yet so far as the dead are concerned, we can form an after guess about them from persons who are asleep.

For it is not in vain that the Holy Scripture describes as 'asleep' those who are dead, were it only because in a certain sense 'sleep is akin to death' " the Soul and its Origins in Saint AuguJtine: Anti-Pelagian Writings, trans. Phillip Schaff, 4. Augustine is associating the passage from Virgil with 1 Thessalonians 4: I 3-an important Christian text for the metaphorics of resurrection as awakening. Por ce n'est j-I mie merveille se Ii florentin soot tozjors en guerre et en descort, car celui planete regne sor aus. Right before them come the heresiarchs, and among them Farinata degli Uberti, a great practitioner of the terrible'art of Mars.

As it turns out, Farinata's promise, implicating Mars in the fu- Adapting the Virgilian precedent to the concrete circumstances of his biography, Dante proposes at the center of the third canticle a reenactment of Book 6, but with a difference: the cross of Christ which rises victoriously over the heaven of Mars. It is this difference that cantos explore in a constant counterpoint of comic and tragic perspectives.

The particular density and hue of this Martial background, however, is not only Virgilian and Statian but also quite specifically infernal. Omnipresent in the Carnmedia's first canticle, Mars appears as the virtual lord of Dis, the city of Martial dis-cord by antonomasia. At the gate of the citta roggia, his art of war is practiced against Virgil and the pilgrim by an army of gruesome guardians: a thousand wrathful souls, the Medusa and three of I On Mars in the Inferno, see Georg Rabuse, Der kosmische Aufbau der Jenseitsreiche Dantes: ein SchliisseJ zur GOttlichen Komiidie, In Inferno 6, Mars appears as the spirit of faction and discord 6.

In Vanni Fucci's prophecy of Symbolic bearer of sins of incontinence and principal antagonist of the salvific veltro, the she-wolf was commonly associated with the Roman prostitutes and their trans-Tiburtine bordellos and identified as the tutelary beast of Mars. In Servius' words: "i'Iam et meretrices lupas vocamus, unde et lupanaria, et constat hoc animal in tutela esse Martis" Commentarii in Vergitii Carmina 1.

I, l. Aeneid 9. For further references to this commonplace of Roman mythography, see W. Roscher's AusfUhrliches Lexikon der griechischm und riimischen Mythologie 2. What this brief survey of Martial lembilia reveals-and many further examples could be cited-is firstly the extent to which cantos of Paradise are central to the Commedia's prophecies as a whole.

They provide the poem's climactic clarification of what by now has emerged as a crucial question: how does Mars intersect the future trajectories of pilgrim and palria? Secondly, our survey reveals that even under the cross history will continue to be a place of loss and wandering: a "fallacious world ," as Cacciaguida, echoing Boethius, will put it at the end of canto J Confronting his fate in canto 17, Dante must confront no less than Aeneas a frightening insomnium. His nightmare, indeed, is all the more clearly cast ill the Macrobian mold.

The self-quotation is probably a re-quotation since the adjective "fallax" is a privileged one in Boethius' Consolation of Philosophy. In the text's orening PJem we find the following description of unstable Fortune: "Nunc quia fallacem mutavit nubila vuleum" I, metrum 1.

Inprosa 6, Lady Philosophy promises to unveil the true light that is concealed behind man's deceitful affections: "ut dimotis fallacium affectionum tenebris splendorem verae lucis possis agnoscere" I, prosa 6. Again in the opening verses of Book 2, the adjective recurs in a discussion of Fortune: "Humilemque victi sublevat fallax vultum" 2, metrum 1. In meter 10 of Book 3, the chain that binds the human mind to earthly cares is described as "fallax": "Hue omnes pariter venite capri I quos fallax ligat improbis catenis I terrenas habitans libido mentes" 3, metrum The self-quotation in canto [5 thus appears to be a direct echo of Boethius' own discouJ;"se on the fallaciousness of the realm of appearances.

J9 But the poet-pilgrim's conversion to the epic literary endeavor is considerably eased, or such is Dante's claim, by the victorious precedent of Christ on the cross: a concrete model for imitation and a guarantee that history's losses are only temporary and its sufferings the divine paideia which alone can transform man into a true Son of God.

As it is mapped out in the narration of cantos , the text of Florentine history, which is to say the text of Dante's own biography, extends between the two liminal poles of post-incarnational history. At one extreme appears the Saturnian Rome of Augustus and Christ figured in the epic Florence of Dante's great-great-grandfather Cacciaguida and, at the other extreme, Apocalypse as associated by veiled allusion with the rise of Cangrande della Scala. In a rapid alternation which calls to mind that of Anchises in Book 6, the crusader Cacciaguida narrates the history of the city as a dialectic of generative and degenerative forces whose point of departure is an idyllic originary state.

He lingers in his description on the virtuous Fiorenza of the ucerchia antican or "ancient circle" I , his role is to unfold the origin and meaning of the sacred family name, the "cognazione" I 8 which, like Scipio, Dante now possesses only by inheritance. In and through Cacciaguida are represented Dante's symbolic inheritance, the "unknown and hidden root" "radice incognita e ascosa" [ I 4 I] to which he is the frond, the powerful native voice which he is called upon to adopt and preserve even in exile, the promise of origins that is his responsibility to fulfill.

This promise, as we discover it in cantos , is a hybrid It should first of all be noted that the poetics of exemplarity here described-and this is a subject I will return to in my final chapter-constitutes an exact negative double of the Pauline definition of faith: "Est autem fides sperandarum substantia rerum, argumentum non apparentium" Heb.

II: I; emphasis mine , or as rendered by Dante in Paradise , "fede e sustanza di cose sperate I e argomento de Ie non parventi" "Faith is the substance of things hoped for and the conviction of things unseen". T ranslating the mysteries of faith into exemplary figurations, poetry acts to confirm and strengthen the reader's faith while providing models for imitation.

It thus imitates the "condescensional" movement of Scripture which attributes appendages such as hands and feet to the divine Father because, as Dante states in Paradise 4. For the moment, however, it is the particular exemplarity of Cacciaguida himself and of his Florence that is of interest, especially inasmuch as they illuminate the figure of the pilgrim-the poem's central exemplum. In cantos I 8 Cacciaguida appears literally as Dante's "treasure" the actual appellation "mio tesoro" occurring in He enters the Elysian fields--elisir in Greek means release-that is, the liberated way of life after finishing with the fear of teachers.

As Proserpine is the queen of the lower world, so the queen of knowledge is memory, which as it advances reigns forever supreme in liberated minds. In this way is the golden bough dedicated to learning. Cicero used to say that memory was the 'treasure house of wisdom' " Exposition on the Content of Virgil, in Fulgentius the Mythographrr, trans.

Leslie G. Whitbread, I Schreiber and T. Maresca, As Dante's personal "treasure house of wisdom," Cacciaguida dearly exemplifies the three Augustinian divisions of the faculty of memory as stated in Confessions Early Florence in Cacciaguida's narrative appears exactly as it was depicted in the city's first chronicles: as a piccola Roma, a perfect scale model of Augustan Rome. Otto Hartwig, 54ff. The following extract is characteristic: "E Giulio Cesare disfece la cittade di Fiesole, e fece la cina nuova e popololla di gente fiesolana e di gente romana: e volle che per lui fosse chiamata Cesaria.

La qual cosa non piacque a' sanatori, ne al consiglio di Roma: ma consigliarono e ordinarono che uno de' nobili dnadini di Roma dovesse far fare Ie mura della dena citcade: e Ie torri spesse per 10 giro delle mura, e che tutta fosse edificata al modo di Roma: e anche un altro nobile cittadino dovesse far fare 10 smalto della citra a similitudine di quel di Roma: e un altro nobile cittadino do"esse far fare Ie piazze e i1 Campitoglio come quello di Roma: e un altro nobile cittadino The comparable passage in Villani can be found in Cronica I.

I, 59ff. As might be surmised from my emphasis on Dante's ties to the early chronicles, I am thoroughly persuaded of Villani's debt to Dante and not of the inverse. Villani's standard practice is to compile and paraphrase secondary sources whenever possible, whether literary texts, like Dante's Commedia, or actual chronicles, making the case for Dante's dependence on Villani highly unlikely.

The early chronicles, in any event, constitute a popular tradition which would have been familiar to literate and illiterate medieval Florentines alike, and it is they that appear to have been Dante's primary source. This is not to imply that the chronicles were in any sense authoritative for Dante: they are in fact freely modified, adapted, and even undermined, to better suit the Commedia's literary and political ends. I, 59' Its interiors are the domain not only of the feminine arts of weaving, spinning wool, and child-rearing, but also of an epicpaideia.

To properly shape the character offuture citizens of the republic, mothers orally recite-"favoleggiare" is Cacciaguida's verb--the epics of Troy, Fiesole, and Rome Like the inhabitants of Cicero's perfect republic, the individual citizens of Cacciaguida's Florence appear at the same time as distinct personalities and as generalized social types.

This is because here, as in all utopian sites, no gap is conceivable between private and public self, no troubling disjunction between objective surface and subjective depth. Implicit is always the individual's observance of an indelible set of sociopolitical and familial markings and a complete internalization of the law such that no external instance of enforcement is required, no formalized code, no written text. II name: a name selected not only to honor Florinus, one of the city's reputed founders and its first martyr, but also the other noble citiz.

Villani's version follows: "Poi la maggiore parte degli abitanti furono consenzienti di chiamarla Floria, siccome fosse di fiori edificata, cioe con moire delizie. Carmody 1. And through baptism all proper names are firmly anchored in the name of Christ, all individuality located in His collective bodythe Ecclesia. In its pagan form, epic Florence appears as a locus amoenus enclosed in the verdant valley of the Arno: the city of the pagan goddess of fertility, the voluptuous Flora, and a perfect site for the implantation and fructification of the holy seed of Rome.

In its Christian form, it appears, rather, as the type of Eden, with Cacciaguida adopting the role of the Adamic founding father: pious citizen and good shepherd, speaker of a pre-lapsarian antica in particular Cicero's De Officijs 1. A general reading of the Commedia based on the symmetry of the signs of the Emperor and of Christ is advanced in Luigi Valli's, It segreto della croce e dell'aquila nella Divina Commedia.


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Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture, ff. Other instances of double self-identifications in the Commedia are Purgatory 5. I 45 tinual melding of Classical and Christian citations. But, as in Eden, there is something dangerously overripe about Flora's pleasance: an excess obliquely underscored in Cac- ciaguida's reiterative "a cast riposato, a cast bello I viver di cittadini, a casi fida I cittadinanza, a cosi dolce ostello" "to so peaceful, to sa fair a life of citizens, to so trustworthy a community, to so sweet an abode" [ This, Dante-still smarting from the sting of recent exile-had already signalled during a digression on his beloved native city in the first tractate of De Vulgari Eloquentia: "ad voluptatem nostram sive nostre sensualitatis quietem in terris amenior locus quam Florentia non existat" "in terms of our pleasure and our sensual contentment there exists no more agreeable place in the world than Florence" [1.

But as is the wont of pastoral, such a delicate balance cannot resist even the most modest of intrusions. The same martial virtues that maintained the civic equilibrium by holding off the forces of corruption, exteriority, and difference, once unbalanced, will turn inward to devour the sacred enclosure they had engendered in the first place. Or, to shift to another set of terms, Florence's Edenic surfaces were in reality but the outermost layer of a troubling and complex architectural palimpsest at whose center remained Mars. The site of the "bel San Giovanni" was according to the Florentine chronicles none other than that of the Temple of Mars, and the edifice itself but the reconverted Temple of War.

The scowling marble idol that once rose above the sacrificial altar, first removed from the city's center to a tower on the fringes of the Arno, now stood as the guardian of the Ponte Vecchio, one of the city's major thoroughfares. Seduced, however, by the utopian prospects of canto '5 and puffed up with blood-pride, the pilgrim is at first impervious to such images of urban instability, contamination, and decay. He represses them-a move I have earlier troped by stressing the positivity of Cacciaguida's representation of originary Florence-holding our instead for a continuation of the narrative in a strictly nostalgic and pastoral mode.

Ma poi dopo la seconda redificazione di Firenze nel anni di Cristo, si fece fare it capannucio di sopra levato in colonne, e la mela, e la croce dell'oro ch'e di sopra E per piu genti che hanno cerco del mondo, dicono ch'egli e il pib. The passage is noted by most of Dante's commentators from Boccaccio onward. The Florentine's lingering fear of Mars was held responsible for the idol's survival: "E nella nostra citta di Firenze si comincib a coltivare la verace fede, e abbattere il paganesimo al tempo di According to Villani Crollica 2. This literal dimension further enhances the already rich ambiguities of Cacciaguida's role in cantos He speaks, on the one hand, from a stricdy post-Edenic perspective: insisting on the inexorability of the city's fall, calling for a repudiation of all nostalgia, and a conversion to his own eschatological perspective, and stating that in his own time Florence was "gia nel calare" On the other hand, he is set up as the central embodiment in the Commedia of the poet-pilgrim's origins: Dante's "radice" And as the Edenic father he displaces the fallen historical father Dante's own is pointedly absent : the only missing genealogical link in the narrativeofcantos But returning with great insistence to the theme of historical cyclicality and flux, and confronting his descendant with the inexorable negativity of Florence's fall, Cacciaguida will drive home a point that is the cornerstone of the rhetorical structure of cantos the gulf between the present and past is unbridgeable except VI" the future.

The fall of the city was necessary and good. Only by abandoning the fallen city for exile, only by taking on without fear or hesitation the literary task, can the promise of origins be fulfilled and the paternal eognazione be full yearned. Between the peace of the ancient circle and that of paradise stands an ineluctable intermediate point: that of martyrdomthe exemplary "martiro" which brought the crusader Cacciaguida from the fallen city to the heaven of Mars "venni dal martiro a questa pace" [ Such a detour represents but a temporary loss; indeed, it is the only means of avoiding a truly tragic tear in the fabric of history: a sense of unconquerable sadness, and the paralysis and self-loss that must ensue.

The principal aim, then, of the father's prophetic intervention at the center of Paradise, like that of Aeneas' descent into the underworld in Book 6, is to free the son from the hypnotic spell of tragic events, present, past and future. If the task of prophecy in cantos is first of all to make the history of the city simply appear, disclosing to the inheritor of the paternal seed the precise character of his responsibilities and origins, prophecy's second task, and one perhaps of even more decisive importance, is to make it disappear: absorbing it into a higher anagogical perspective, effectively sundering past from present in the son's imagination.

From the opening of Cacciaguida's description of ancient Flor- lO 11 '" The "voi" was said to have been originally reserved for the Emperor Julius. Despite the fact that its use here is severely undercut, it serves nevertheless to mark Cacciaguida's ideal Romanitas: a result of his dual service under the Emperor and the Pope.

Lo corpo and' ella fu cacciata giace giuso in Cieldauro; ed essa da marriro e da essilio venne a questa pace. Aside from the obvious selfwquotations here-"mondo fallace" and its rhyme with "da martiro Line recalls Here the JXlet-pilgrim's switch to the " 'voi' che prima aRoma s'offerie" I 0 misreads the dosing words of canto 15, since the poet-pilgrim hears, not a message drawing attention to the fallaciousness of earthly loves "monda fallace, J 10 cui amor molt' anime deturpa" , but rather the opposite: a message glorifying his own ancestry and hence himself.

What all of this suggests is naturally that Cacciaguida is a double of BoethiusMartyr: a martyr as well as a theological auctor, a spokesman for Boethian Philosophia, and, like Boethius, a literary artista This is important inasmuch as it all the more clearly establishes Cacciaguida's exemplarity viSwawvis the poetwpilw grim's own future martyrdom.

Internally this may take the form of a sudden excess of bodily ornamentation: subverting the equation between beauty and self-identity, a woman attempts to tyrannize the desires of the collectivity. Externally, it is thematized as the breakdown of barriers between country and city: the Fiesolan evil seed whose symbolic constituents are both mercantile and Catilinian infiltrates the sacred enclosure, gradually contaminating the unsullied seed of Rome. Non faceva, nascendo, arrear paura la figlia al padre, che 'I tempo e la dote non fuggien quinci e quindi la misura. Non avea case di famiglia vote; non v'era giunto anear Sardanapalo a mostrar cib che 'n camera si puote.

Not yet did the daughter at her birth cause fear to the father, for the time and the dowry did not outrun due measure on this side and that. Houses empty of family there were none, nor had Sardanapalus arrived yet to show what could be done in the chamber. Not yet was Montemalo surpassed by your U ccellatoio, which as it has been passed in the uprising, so shall it be in the fall.

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The descent of the well-ordered city into the the pure horizontality of carnival is c? On this and on the Fiesolan "malum semen inutilem producentem," see Hartwig Mars is also associated with the foundation of Fiesole by Villani, who reports in Cronica 1. I, 27 thatthe sons of Attalante, ltalus, and Dardanus, in order to determine who was to rule the city of Fiesole, went to sacrifice to "illoro Iddio alto Marte, il quale adoravano.

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But neither is exact. Sardanapalus was a relatively important figure in exemplarist and moralizing literature at least as far back as Aristotle.


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He is present in one of Aristotle's now lost early political dialogues, in the Nicomachean Ethics, Eudemian Ethics and Politics, always cited as an exemplum in malo. Speech becomes rhetoric, procreation a form of commerce, politics a theatre of self-interest, the surface of the body a disguise. As the principle of identity is fragmented, the entire system of social differentiation breaks down; the body politic is dismem- bered, the body of Christ prostituted: the moment of carnival has arrived the moment of democracy and then ochlocracy in the Classical discourse.

The end result is, however, not renewal, but rather faction and civil war: the locus amoenus is left a desert, the dolce ostello is made a city of the dead. One of his titles, after all, was Mars uttar Mars the Avenger : a title some reason for their view from the fact that many of those in high places share the tastes ofSardanapalus" I09Sb. In the Eudemiam Ethics, likewise, he is seen as a'voluptuary: "those who felicitate Sardanapalus or Smindyrides the Sybarite or any other of those who live the voluptuary's life, these seem all to place happiness in the feeling of pleasure" a.

In Book S of the Politics his case is cited as an example of how unbecoming behaviour on the part of a monarch can breed contempt among his subjects and lead to murder: "Another motive [for assassination is contempt, as in the case of Sardanapalus, whom someone saw carding wool with his women, if the story-tellers say truly" I By the time of Cicero, Sardanapalus had become explicitly identified with that which the Middle Ages would understand by the term "Epicurianism.

Behold instead the thousand magnificent goods I have left to waste. Albertus, on the other hand, writes: "Deinde cum dicit, Haeautem proptercontemptum, etc. Et primo ponit exemplum, ibi, Sicut Sardanapalum, de quo dicitur quod semper voluit esse clausus cum mulieribus in cameris, quem videm quidam cum muiieribus se percutientem, id est alapizantem: in hoc enim delectabatur, ut dicitur in Primo Ethicorum, eo quod totus resolutus voluptatem summum bonum reputabat" Commentarium [Borgnet, vol. The apparent recall in IS. The extreme use of parataxis in Cacciaguida's speech is characteristic of the mechanism by which satirical texts, from the time of Juvenal to that of Wordsworth d.

The suspension of social codes is represented by means of a complex two-fold syntax. On the one hand, it "de-hierarchizes" the sentence, displacing the laws of syntactical subordination with a more elementary, and hence potentially anarchic, principle: that of purely quantitative accumulation. In satire, "carnival" is the "parade" which immediately precedes the reinstatement of order. Major examples are the "Ahi serva Italia" speech of Purgatory 6.

In a deliberate parody of the Christian act of devolio or self-offering to Christ, Florence thus becomes an offering on the altar of Mars. Instead of making herself holy in a quite literal sacri-ficium-the sacrificallogic figured through Cacciaguida and the cross of light-Florence victimizes herself not in the name of Christ, but only to assuage the eternally bloodthirsty God of War. Mars presides over the miscegenation of Florentine and Fiesolan seed, whose historical fruit is the substitution of Florence's epic Christianity by the religion of the marketplace and its god of exchange: the Juvenalian sanctissima divitiarum majestas, her divine majesty Wealth, to whom God and Good are merely goods and Truth but a rhetorical trick.

In this satirical Florence, the market's wheel of fortune spins with dizzying rapidity, making and unmaking new dynasties Cacciaguida's long listing of Florentine families, in fact, serves to dramatize the absolute instability of all social and political Fortune in a post-Iapsarian world: there are, as Charles Till Davis has written, "those already past their prime In verse 44 she refers back to the act of vowing as "questo sacrificio.

Isidore, Etym. On satire as the epic of the fallen city, see Saturae 1. Hippolytus was commonly paired with Phaeton in Latin exemplarist literature to illustrate how it was sometimes necessary for fathers to break certain promises made to their sons. See, for example, Cicero, De Officiis 3. The question of family tragedy aside, the identification of Phaeton and Hippolytus rests on the similarity of their deaths. On the figure of Virbius as the resurrected Hippolytus and the important themes of exile, death, and resurrection in cantos , see Marguerite Mills Chiarenza, "Hippolytus' ExiJe..

Paradiso XVII, vv. Singleton, It cannot, hence, be accidental that Dante presents himself in canto 17 as someone who like Hippolytus must overcome the seductive advances of a corrupt stepmother and suffer calumny as a result. Dante's figurative. Nonetheless, Chiarenza's view is reinforced by the longstanding Christian confusion of the mythological Hippolytus with the third-century martyr Saint Hippolyrus. The Hippolyrus of myth was thus identified as a martyr crucified on his chariot but brought to life again by the medicine of the cross.

This confusion appears to have contaminated the Ovide MoraList, from which I quote the concluding verses: Par Ypolite au par Virbie 5i com dist I'autre alegorie, Peut I'en les convenis entendre Qui pour sainte Yglise deffendre Souffrirent mort et passion, Et par la predication De sainte Yglise s'esbahirent Tant qu'a la foj se convertirent. Ovide Moralist: Poeme du commencement du 14eme siecie, ed.

Christian de Boer, vv. The specific link to Christ's martyrs and crusaders seems incongruous if one does not take into account the intertwining of the respective tales of mythical figure and martyr which goes back at least as far as the earliest liturgies celebrating Saint Hippolytus. One last poim needs to be made regarding the Christianization of the figure ofHippolytus. A number of details in Ovid's narrative in Metamorphoses 15 render his identification with Christ and with His martyrs especially tenable. First, the story of Hippolytus is told as an "exempla dolentem" Second, it is noted in Se tu riguardi Luni e Orbisaglia come sono he, e come se ne vanno di retro ad esse Chiusi e SinigagIia.

Le vostre cose tutte hanno lor morte, SI come voi; rna celasi in alcuna che dura mol to, e Ie vite son corte. If you regard Luni and Urbisaglia. Your affairs all have their death, even as have you; but it is concealed in some things that last long, whereas lives are short. His lesson is a simple one: history under Mars is history under the sign of mutability and, finally, death. Far from representing an exceptional punishment for which Dante is singled out, exile is the fundamental condition of all historical becoming: we are as "strangers! Identifying death as the master-signifier of human history, Cacciaguida no doubt alludes to an etymology well known in the Middle Ages, which appeared to confirm Mars's association with violence, death, and sin: "His name is Mars since he produces death, forthe word mors comes from Mars," and later in Isidore's text, "Death is called mors because it derives from amara bitter , or from Mars the producer of death, or from the morsu bite of the first man, who, eating of the fruit of the prohibited tree, incurred death.

After all, Anchises too had spoken to Aeneas of life as a protracted death and of the body as a death-bound prison that plagues man with warring emotions and inevitably blinds him to the light: 58 JJ In Cacciaguida's itinerary from martyrdom to peace "venni dal martiro a questa pace" [ But that exile or its symbolic analogue, pilgrimage, is the key link between martyrdom and eternal peace we know from Boethius' trajectory in canto On exile in the Commedia, see C. Nam a Marte mors nuncupatur" Etym. Isidore's etymology is very likely derived from a more ancient Stoic etymology found in Cornutus' Theologia Graeca, also employed to justify Mars "anaeretic" astrological character.

Uguccione of Pisa fuses [he two passages from Isidore in his etymology of mars in Magnae Derivationes Bodleian fol. Isidore's etymology is also cited in John the Scot's Annotationes in Marcianum Hinc metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque, neque auras dispiciunt clausae tenebris et carcere caeco. This makes them fear and crave, rejoice and grieve. Maurus'De Universa 7. Besides the widespread play in the vernacular love poetry of the Middle Ages including Dante'S own on amor-amaro-morte and upon occasion Marte , there is one particular instance. Probably the Orphic poets were the inventors of the name, and they were under the impression that the soul is suffering the punishment of sin, and that the body is an enclosure or prison in which the soul is incarcerated, kept safe O"w]J.

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Jowett trans. The intervention of Lady Philosophy hinges on a demonstration that all of Fortune's goods are illusory "Crede fortunis hominum caducis,! Bonis crede fugacibus.! Constat aeterna positumque lege est! Ut coostet genitum nihil" [2, metrum 3. The result of this intervention is, as in the other texts, an assertion on the part of the protagonist of his readiness to parry even the cruelest blows of Fortune: "adeo ut iam me post haec inparem fortunae ictibus esse non arbitrer!

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But to accomplish this transformation of the will, the son must be shown how the supplement of the otherworld acts to undermine all strictly terrestrial economies. He must be shown the secret workings of divine justice, the anima mundi and to pan: the great cosmological machinewhether cosmic cross or tree, heavenly whorl or golden chainthat binds earthly flux to a transcendental point of origin. It is, as we have seen, the all-pervasive presence qf death in human hisprosa 1. Ger McDonnell: Irish mountaineer and engineer d Wakanohana Masaru: Japanese sumo wrestler, the 66th Derrick Green: American singer-songwriter Sepultura.

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Kaho Minami: Japanese actress. David Baszucki: Entrepreneur. Joel Rifkin: American adopted while male, raised in Nancy Sullivan: American politician and head of the Pasang aplikasi Online Radio Box gratis untuk ponsel pintar Anda dan dengarkan stasiun radio favorit Anda secara online — di mana pun Anda berada! Tampilkan cara otorisasi selengkapnya. Situs web ini menggunakan cookies. Dengan melanjutkan menggunakan situs web ini, Anda setuju dengan kebijakan kami terkait dengan penggunaan cookies.

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